Op-Ed: To improve democracy, embrace ranked voting
Richmond Times-Dispatch | July 8, 2025
By Liz White
This year, Virginia voters have been going to the polls for critical elections across the commonwealth, and in many cases, they've seen a lot of names on their ballots. From the recent Democratic lieutenant governor primary to the 11th Congressional District special election primaries, Virginia has two real-time examples of how ranked choice voting (RCV) could benefit voters in crowded races.
Both demonstrate why it's time for Virginia's political parties to further embrace RCV.
RCV is a simple change to the ballot that enables a better voting experience, better campaigns, and ultimately better government. Instead of choosing only one candidate, RCV allows voters to pick their favorite and rank their back-up choices: first, second, third, etc. This creates an instant runoff where the candidate with the fewest first-choice votes gets eliminated and voters who selected that candidate instead have their second-choice votes counted. The process continues until a candidate receives over 50% of the vote — a true majority.
The lieutenant governor primary perfectly illustrates RCV's value. Six qualified candidates competed, with state Sen. Ghazala Hashmi winning with 27.5% of the vote, followed closely by former Richmond Mayor Levar Stoney at 26.5% and state Sen. Aaron Rouse at 26%. This means over 72% of Democratic voters initially preferred someone other than the nominee — hardly a strong mandate for the general election.
Sen. Hashmi herself recognizes this challenge. In a recent radio interview, she noted: "I think there's a positive benefit, especially when you have complex races with many candidates to do RCV so that there's more opportunity for voters to be able to express their preferences." While she believes "the result would have been the same," RCV would have provided her with genuine majority support and eliminated strategic voting concerns.
Now, following the tragic death of Congressman Gerry Connolly, a similar situation emerged in the 11th Congressional District, with seven Republicans and 10 Democrats recently vying for their respective nominations — another perfect opportunity for both parties to embrace RCV.
In recent years, perhaps the most notable use of RCV came at the 2021 statewide Republican convention to nominate Glenn Youngkin as the GOP's gubernatorial candidate, alongside Winsome Earle-Sears as lieutenant governor and Jason Miyares as attorney general. All three won in the 2021 general election, of course. Republicans have also used RCV to nominate congressional candidates in Districts 4, 8, 10 and 11.
On the Democratic side, lawmakers in the General Assembly have overwhelmingly passed RCV measures in three of the last six legislative sessions, while many local committees use it internally to elect their leadership.
Since 2020, Virginia law has allowed localities to adopt RCV for local elections like city council and school board races. Arlington and Charlottesville have already implemented RCV pilot programs, while other Virginia localities — including Loudoun, Fredericksburg, Fairfax City, Falls Church and Newport News — are actively considering similar initiatives.
Yet hesitation remains when implementing RCV more broadly. For parties considering RCV for special primaries, one concern might be allowing sufficient time for voter education about the system.
However, this conflates two separate issues: complexity and distribution. Exit polling data regularly shows that voters find RCV easy to understand and feel it lets them better express their preferences. The challenge isn't explaining RCV; it's distributing information efficiently. For special elections, this is actually easier, since firehouse primaries attract highly engaged voters already seeking information about candidates.
This isn't about changing outcomes — candidates in both races are qualified, and winners might be the same under either system. But RCV would give voters the chance to support their true first choice while providing winners with genuine majority mandates. Research from FairVote shows that candidates who win primaries with over 50% support are significantly more likely to win general elections.
For Republicans, Gov. Youngkin's recent vetoes of RCV legislation reveal a troubling contradiction. In 2024 and 2025, he vetoed technical adjustments requested by his own Department of Elections to improve RCV administration, claiming "some voters have found it confusing" — yet he was nominated through this very system in 2021. He argues Virginia shouldn't implement RCV before collecting data, while simultaneously hindering the pilot programs that would generate it.
Party-run primaries are precisely the right venue for such real-world testing. Democrats typically prefer state-run primaries because they're more democratically inclusive. If special circumstances force them to use firehouse primaries, they should at least look for ways to make those elections more representative.
Both parties should recognize that RCV rewards candidates who build broad coalitions rather than appeal to narrow factions — exactly the skills needed for general election success. In an era of political division, RCV offers something truly valuable: a rare reform that benefits both parties and voters alike.
